美国现状和中国历史相似吗

德怀特·D.艾森豪威尔

背景介绍

德怀特·D.艾森豪威尔是美国第34任总统，连任两届，是美国唯一当上总统的陆军五星上将，于二战期间担任盟军在欧洲的最高指挥官，1951年担任北大西洋公约组织盟军最高统帅。于1953年12月8日在联合国大会上发表如下演说，呼吁全世界把原子能的巨大潜能用于和平发展。

Dwight D. Eisenhower: “Atoms for Peace”

December 8th, 1953, United Nations General Assembly

德怀特·D.艾森豪威尔：原子能为和平服务

1953年12月8日，联合国大会

Madam President and Members of the General Assembly:

When Secretary General Hammarskjold’s invitation to address this General Assembly reached me in Bermuda, I was just beginning a series of conferences with the Prime Ministers and Foreign Ministers of Great Britain and of France. Our subject was some of the problems that beset our world.

During the remainder of the Bermuda Conference, I had constantly in mind that ahead of me lay a great honor. That honor is mine today, as I stand here, privileged to address the General Assembly of the United Nations.

At the same time that I appreciate the distinction of addressing you, I have a sense of exhilaration as I look upon this Assembly. Never before in history has so much hope for so many people been gathered together in a single organization. Your deliberations and decisions during these somber years have already realized part of those hopes.

But the great tests and the great accomplishments still lie ahead. And in the confident expectation of those accomplishments, I would use the office which, for the time being, I hold, to assure you that the Government of the United States will remain steadfast in its support of this body.

This we shall do in the conviction that you will provide a great share of the wisdom, of the courage, and the faith which can bring to this world lasting peace for all nations, and happiness and wellbeing for all men.

Clearly, it would not be fitting for me to take this occasion to present to you a unilateral American report on Bermuda. Nevertheless, I assure you that in our deliberations on that lovely island we sought to invoke those same great concepts of universal peace and human dignity which are so cleanly etched in your Charter. Neither would it be a measure of this great opportunity merely to recite, however hopefully, pious platitudes.

I therefore decided that this occasion warranted my saying to you some of the things that have been on the minds and hearts of my legislative and executive associates, and on mine, for a great many months —thoughts I had originally planned to say primarily to the American people.

I know that the American people share my deep belief that if a danger exists in the world, it is a danger shared by all; and equally, that if hope exists in the mind of one nation, that hope should be shared by all.

Finally, if there is to be advanced any proposal designed to ease even by the smallest measure the tensions of today’s world, what more appropriate audience could there be than the members of the General Assembly of the United Nations. I feel impelled to speak today in a language that in a sense is new, one which I, who have spent so much of my life in the military profession, would have preferred never to use. That new language is the language of atomic warfare.

The atomic age has moved forward at such a pace that every citizen of the world should have some comprehension, at least in comparative terms, of the extent of this development, of the utmost significance to everyone of us. Clearly, if the peoples of the world are to conduct an intelligent search for peace, they must be armed with the significant facts of today’s existence.

My recital of atomic danger and power is necessarily stated in United States terms, for these are the only incontrovertible facts that I know. I need hardly point out to this Assembly, however, that this subject is global, not merely national in character.

On July 16th, 1945, the United States set off the world’s first atomic explosion.

Since that date in 1945, the United States of America has conducted forty-two test explosions. Atomic bombs today are more than twenty-five times as powerful as the weapons with which the atomic age dawned, while hydrogen weapons are in the ranges of millions of tons of TNT equivalent.

Today, the United States stockpile of atomic weapons, which, of course, increases daily, exceeds by many times the total equivalent of the total of all bombs and all shells that came from every plane and every gun in every theatre of war in all the years of World War II.

A single air group, whether afloat or land based, can now deliver to any reachable target a destructive cargo exceeding in power all the bombs that fell on Britain in all of World War II. In size and variety, the development of atomic weapons has been no less remarkable. The development has been such that atomic weapons have virtually achieved conventional status within our armed services.

In the United States, the Army, the Navy, the Air Force, and the Marine Corps are all capable of putting this weapon to military use. But the dread secret and the fearful engines of atomic might are not ours alone.

In the first place, the secret is possessed by our friends and allies, Great Britain and Canada, whose scientific genius made a tremendous contribution to our original discoveries and the designs of atomic bombs.

The secret is also known by the Soviet Union.

The Soviet Union has informed us that, over recent years, it has devoted extensive resources to atomic weapons. During this period the Soviet Union has exploded a series of atomic advices —devices, including at least one involving thermonuclear reactions. If at one time the Unites States possessed what might have been called a monopoly of atomic power, that monopoly ceased to exist several years ago.

Therefore, although our earlier start has permitted us to accumulate what is today a great quantitative advantage, the atomic realities of today comprehend two facts of even greater significance.

First, the knowledge now possessed by several nations will eventually be shared by others, possibly all others.

Second, even a vast superiority in numbers of weapons, and a consequent capability of devastating retaliation, is no preventive, of itself, against the fearful material damage and toll of human lives that would be inflicted by surprise aggression. The free world, at least dimly aware of these facts, has naturally embarked on a large program of warning and defense systems. That program will be accelerated and expanded. But let no one think that the expenditure of vast sums for weapons and systems of defense can guarantee absolute safety for the cities and citizens of any nation. The awful arithmetic of the atomic bomb does not permit of any such easy solution. Even against the most powerful defense, an aggressor in possession of the effective minimum number of atomic bombs for a surprise attack could probably place a sufficient number of his bombs on the chosen targets to cause hideous damage.

Should such an atomic attack be launched against the United States, our reactions would be swift and resolute. But for me to say that the defense capabilities of the United States are such that they could inflict terrible losses upon an aggressor, for me to say that the retaliation capabilities of the Unites States are so great that such an aggressor’s land would be laid waste, all this, while fact, is not the true expression of the purpose and the hope of the United States.

To pause there would be to confirm the hopeless finality of a belief that two atomic colossi are doomed malevolently to eye each other indefinitely across a trembling world. To stop there would be to accept hope —helplessly the probability of civilization destroyed, the annihilation of the irreplaceable heritage of mankind handed down to us generation from generation, and the condemnation of mankind to begin all over again the age-old struggle upward from savagery toward decency, and right, and justice. Surely no sane member of the human race could discover victory in such desolation.

Could anyone wish his name to be coupled by history with such human degradation and destruction? Occasional pages of history do record the faces of the“great destroyers,” but the whole book of history reveals mankind’s never-ending quest for peace and mankind’s God-given capacity to build.

It is with the book of history, and not with isolated pages, that the United States will ever wish to be identified. My country wants to be constructive, not destructive. It wants agreements, not wars, among nations. It wants itself to live in freedom and in the confidence that the people of every other nation enjoy equally the right of choosing their own way of life.

So my country’s purpose is to help us move out of the dark chamber of horrors into the light, to find a way by which the minds of men, the hopes of men, the souls of men everywhere, can move forward toward peace and happiness and well-being.

In this quest, I know that we must not lack patience. I know that in a world divided, such as ours today, salvation cannot be attained by one dramatic act. I know that many steps will have to be taken over many months before the world can look at itself one day and truly realize that a new climate of mutually peaceful confidence is abroad in the world. But I know, above all else, that we must start to take these steps now.

The United States and its allies, Great Britain and France, have, over the past months, tried to take some of these steps. Let no one say that we shun the conference table. On the record has long stood the request of the United States, Great Britain, and France to negotiate with the Soviet Union the problems of a divided Germany. On that record has long stood the request of the same three nations to negotiate an Austrian peace treaty. On the same record still stands the request of the United Nations to negotiate the problems of Korea.

Most recently we have received from the Soviet Union what is in effect an expression of willingness to hold a four-Power meeting. Along with our allies, Great Britain and France, we were pleased to see that his note did not contain the unacceptable preconditions previously put forward. As you already know from our joint Bermuda communiqué, the United States, Great Britain, and France have agreed promptly to meet with the Soviet Union.

The Government of the United States approaches this conference with hopeful sincerity. We will bend every effort of our minds to the single purpose of emerging from that conference with tangible results towards peace, the only true way of lessening international tension. We never have, we never will, propose or suggest that the Soviet Union surrender what is rightfully theirs. We will never say that the people of Russia are an enemy with whom we have no desire ever to deal or mingle in friendly and fruitful relationship.

On the contrary, we hope that this coming conference may initiate a relationship with the Soviet Union which will eventually bring about a free intermingling of the peoples of the East and of the West —the one sure, human way of developing the understanding required for confident and peaceful relations.

Instead of the discontent which is now settling upon Eastern Germany, occupied Austria, and the countries of Eastern Europe, we seek a harmonious family of free European nations, with none a threat to the other, and least of all a threat to the peoples of the Russia. Beyond the turmoil and strife and misery of Asia, we seek peaceful opportunity for these peoples to develop their natural resources and to elevate their lives.

These are not idle words or shallow visions. Behind them lies a story of nations lately come to independence, not as a result of war, but through free grant or peaceful negotiation. There is a record already written of assistance gladly given by nations of the West to needy peoples and to those suffering the temporary effects of famine, drought, and natural disaster. These are deeds of peace. They speak more loudly than promises or protestations of peaceful intent.

But I do not wish to rest either upon the reiteration of past proposals or the restatement of past deeds. The gravity of the time is such that every new avenue of peace, no matter how dimly discernible, should be explored. There is at least one new avenue of peace which has not yet been well explored —an avenue now laid out by the General Assembly of the Unites Nations.

In its resolution of November 18th, 1953 this General Assembly suggested —and I quote —“that the Disarmament Commission study the desirability of establishing a subcommittee consisting of representatives of the Powers principally involved, which should seek in private an acceptable solution and report such a solution to the General Assembly and to the Security Council not later than September 1st, of 1954.”

The United States, heeding the suggestion of the General Assembly of the United Nations, is instantly prepared to meet privately with such other countries as may be “principally involved,” to seek “an acceptable solution” to the atomic armaments race which overshadows not only the peace, but the very life of the world. We shall carry into these private or diplomatic talks a new conception.

The United States would seek more than the mere reduction or elimination of atomic materials for military purposes. It is not enough to take this weapon out of the hands of the soldiers. It must be put into the hands of those who will know how to strip its military casing and adapt it to the arts of peace.

The United States knows that if the fearful trend of atomic military buildup can be reversed, this greatest of destructive forces can be developed into a great boon, for the benefit of all mankind. The United States knows that peaceful power from atomic energy is no dream of the future. That capability, already proved, is here, now, today. Who can doubt, if the entire body of the world’s scientists and engineers had adequate amounts of fissionable material with which to test and develop their ideas, that this capability would rapidly be transformed into universal, efficient, and economic usage?

To hasten the day when fear of the atom will begin to disappear from the minds of people and the governments of the East and West, there are certain steps that can be taken now. I therefore make the following proposals:

The governments principally involved, to the extent permitted by elementary prudence, to begin now and continue to make joint contributions from their stockpiles of normal uranium and fissionable materials to an international atomic energy agency. We would expect that such an agency would be set up under the aegis of the United Nations.

The ratios of contributions, the procedures, and other details would properly be within the scope of the “private conversations” I have referred to earlier.

The United States is prepared to undertake these explorations in good faith. Any partner of the United States acting in the same good faith will find the United States a not unreasonable or ungenerous associate.

Undoubtedly, initial and early contributions to this plan would be small in quantity. However, the proposal has the great virtue that it can be undertaken without the irritations and mutual suspicions incident to any attempt to set up a completely acceptable system of worldwide inspection and control.

The atomic energy agency could be made responsible for the impounding, storage, and protection of the contributed fissionable and other materials. The ingenuity of our scientists will provide special, safe conditions under which such a bank of fissionable material can be made essentially immune to surprise seizure.

The more important responsibility of this atomic energy agency would be to devise methods whereby this fissionable material would be allocated to serve the peaceful pursuits of mankind. Experts would be mobilized to apply atomic energy to the needs of agriculture, medicine, and other peaceful activities. A special purpose would be to provide abundant electrical energy in the power-starved areas of the world. Thus the contributing Powers would be dedicating some of their strength to serve the needs rather than the fears of mankind.

The United States would be more than willing —it would be proud to take up with others “principally involved” the development of plans whereby such peaceful use of atomic energy would be expedited.

Of those “principally involved” the Soviet Union must, of course, be one. I would be prepared to submit to the Congress of the United States, and with every expectation of approval, any such plan that would, first, encourage worldwide investigation into the most effective peacetime uses of fissionable material, and with the certainty that they (the investigators) had all the material needed for the conduct of all experiments that were appropriate; second, begin to diminish the potential destructive power of the world’s atomic stockpiles; third, allow all peoples of all nations to see that, in this enlightened age, the great powers of the earth, both of the East and of the West, are interested in human aspirations first rather than in building up the armaments of war; fourth, open up a new channel for peaceful discussion and initiate at least a new approach to the many difficult problems that must be solved in both private and public conversations, if the world is to shake off the inertia imposed by fear and is to make positive progress toward peace.

Against the dark background of the atomic bomb, the United States does not wish merely to present strength, but also the desire and the hope for peace.

The coming months will be fraught with fateful decisions. In this Assembly, in the capitals and military headquarters of the world, in the hearts of men everywhere, be they governed or governors, may they be the decisions which will lead this world out of fear and into peace.

To the making of these fateful decisions, the United States pledges before you, and therefore before the world, its determination to help solve the fearful atomic dilemma —to devote its entire heart and mind to find the way by which the miraculous inventiveness of man shall not be dedicated to his death, but consecrated to his life.

I again thank the delegates for the great honor they have done me in inviting me to appear before them and in listening to me so courteously.

Thank you.

译文：

尊敬的主席及联合国成员们：

当我在百慕大得知秘书长哈马舍尔德在联合国大会发出邀请时，我刚开始一系列与英国和法国首相及外交部长的会议。我们讨论的主题就是一些困扰我们社会的问题。

在百慕大会议的闲暇之余，我一直在思考放在我面前的一个巨大的荣誉。今天，我很荣幸，能够站在这里，能够在联合国大会发言。

同时，我很感激能够拥有这份荣幸向你们发言，展望这个会议，喜悦之情油然而生。历史上从来没有期待有这么多的来自一个组织的人聚集在一起。你们的深思熟虑以及英明决策在这个昏暗的年代给人们带来一丝希望。

但伟大的考验以及伟大的成就还在前方。我非常有信心能够取得这些成就，我会在我执政期间，向你们保证，美国政府将坚决支持联合国这个机构。

我们相信你会分享智慧、勇气和信心，这些给这个世界上所有国家，所有人带来持久的和平、快乐和幸福。

显然，这并不适合我利用这个机会向你们在百慕大大会做美国单方面的报告。然而，我向你们保证，在那可爱的小岛上，我们经过审议来不断地证实世界和平和人类尊严这些伟大的概念，这些曾那么清楚铭刻在您的宪章中。并不是利用这个机会去背诵这些陈词滥调。

因此我决定把有一些原本应该是在我们执政和行政人员以及我在心中所思考的东西说给你们听。这些想法，我原本打算说给美国人民。

我知道美国人民和我有着坚定信念：如果危险存在这个世界，所有的国家要共同承担；如果希望存在某一个国家，希望应该被所有人分享。

最后，只要有进展，任何建议哪怕是最微小的措施能够缓解当今世界紧张局面，没有比联合国大会的成员更为合适了。我觉得，今天我使用某种意义上全新的语言来讲话，是万不得已的。我戎马半生，如能选择，我是绝不愿意使用这种语言的。这种新的语言就是原子战争的语言。

原子时代一日千里，世界上每个人对这种与自己休戚相关的事态发展，或多或少都应有所了解。很显然，如果世界各国人民打算理智地探求和平，他们就必须掌握今天客观世界的重要事实。

我陈述原子能的危险性和威力，必然只能依据美国的情况，因为这是唯一我所能掌握的确凿事实。当然，我无须向联合国大会指出，这是全球性的问题，不仅仅是一国的问题。

1945年7月16日，美国引爆了世界上第一颗原子弹。

自1945年那一天至今，美利坚合众国已经进行了四十二次爆炸试验。今天原子弹的威力，超过了原子时代初期这种武器威力的二十五倍以上，而氢弹的威力则大体相当于几百万吨的TNT。

当然，美国贮存的原子武器每天都在增加，今天它的爆炸力已经超过了整个第二次世界大战期间所有战区每架飞机和每门大炮投掷或发射的全部炸弹和全部炮弹总爆炸力许多倍。

现在一个空军作战单位不论是以水上或是陆地为基地，都能把爆炸力超过整个第二次世界大战期间落在英国领土上的全部炸弹的破坏性武器投送到任何一个可以达到的目标去。原子武器在体积和品种上的变化也同样显着。原子武器发展如此迅速，在我们各军种中实际上已经成为常规军备。

在美国，陆海空军和海军陆战队，都有能力把这种武器投入军事用途。但是可怕的原子秘密和恐怖的原子威力，并非我们一国所专有。

首先，我们的朋友盟邦英国和加拿大拥有这种秘密，他们的天才科学家对我们最初的发现和对原子弹的设计，都曾做出巨大的贡献。

苏联也知道这种秘密。

苏联已经告诉我们，这些年来，它已动用大量资源来制造原子武器。在此期间，苏联已试爆了一系列的原子装置，其中至少有一个是热核反应装置。如果说美国一度拥有所谓对原子力量的垄断，那么这种垄断在几年前已不复存在了。

因此，虽然我们起步较早，在数量上累积了巨大优势，但是今天的现实却包含着两个甚至更为重要的事实。

第一，现在几个国家拥有的知识，最终将为其他国家(可能所有其他国家)所拥有。

第二，即使在武器数量上占巨大优势并因而拥有摧毁性的报复能力，这种情况本身并不足以防止突然袭击所造成的可怕的物质破坏和人员伤亡。自由世界至少隐约地意识到这些事实，因而理所当然地制订了一项规模宏大的预警和防卫系统计划。这项计划将会加速进行和扩充。但是，千万不要以为，在武器和防卫系统上支出巨额经费就够保证任何国家的城市和公民绝对安全。令人生畏的原子弹算术，是不允许用如此简易的方式处理的。甚至面对最强大的防卫体系，侵略者拥有为发动突然袭击所必需的最低有效数量的原子弹，仍然可能向选定的目标投掷相当数量的原子弹以造成骇人听闻的破坏。

如果美国遭到这样一次原子进攻，我们的反应将是迅速和坚决的。但是，由我来说美国的防卫力量能使侵略者遭受巨创，由我来说美国的报复能力强大得足以使侵略者的国土成为废墟，尽管这些都是事实，然而还没有真正表达出美国的目标希望。

如果我只说到这里为止，就等于肯定一种绝望的宿命论观点：两个原子巨人注定要隔着一个发抖的世界永无休止地相互怒目而视。如果我只说到这里为止，就等于无可奈何地承认文明很可能遭到毁灭，等于承认经过一代代传到我们手中的人类宝贵遗产很可能被摧毁，等于承认人类多少年来为摆脱野蛮状态迈向礼仪、公理和正义而进行的长期奋斗还得从头开始。的确，没有一个清醒的人会从这样的废墟中看到胜利。

难道会有人希望历史把他的名字同人类的倒退和毁灭联系在一起吗?历史的片断偶尔刻画过“大破坏者”的面目，但是整部历史却显示了人类永不停息探求和平以及人类天赋的建造能力。

美国永远希望与整部历史而不是与历史的片断步骤一致。我的国家想要成为一个建设性的国家，而不是破坏性的国家。它要的是国家之间协商一致而不是战争。它希望自己生活在自由之中，并深信其他国家的人民会同样享有选择自己生活方式的权利。

因此，我国的宗旨乃是帮助大家从恐怖的黑暗走向光明，并找到一条道路，使各地人们能够达到他们所思考、所企求、所衷心盼望的和平、幸福和富裕的目标。

我知道，在追求这个目标时，我们切不可缺乏耐心。我知道，在我们今天这样分裂的世界中，没有可能靠一次巨大的行动来拯救世界。我知道，在有朝一日这个世界能够自顾一番并确实感到全球洋溢着一种互相信任的和平新气氛之前，我们还必须在漫长的岁月里采取很多步骤。但是我知道，最重要的是我们必须开始采取这些步骤，现在就开始。

美国和盟邦英国和法国，在过去几个月里力图采取这样一些步骤。任何人都不能说我们回避谈判桌。美国、英国和法国早就要求同苏联谈判分裂的德国的问题，这是有案可查的。同样，这三个国家早就要求谈判一项奥地利和平条约，这是有案可查的。联合国至今仍要求就朝鲜问题进行谈判，这也是有案可查的。

最近我们收到苏联的照会，它实际上表示同意举行一次四强会议。并且，这项照会没有包括早先提出的那些不可接受的先决条件，我们同我们的盟邦英国和法国都为此感到欣慰。你们已经从我们的百慕大联合公报中知道，美国、英国和法国立即答应同苏联会谈。

美国政府对参加这一会谈抱有真诚的希望。我们将竭尽全力，使会议取得走向和平的实质性成果，这是我们唯一的目标，也是缓和国际紧张局势的唯一可行的道路。我们从来没有，我们将来也不会提议或建议苏联放弃那些理应属于他们的东西。我们绝不会说俄国各族人民是敌人，因而拒绝同他们打交道或者同他们建立友好和卓有成效的关系。

相反，我们希望这一即将召开的会议，将开拓同苏联的新关系，以便最终导致东西方人民自由往来。自由往来是增进相互了解的一个可靠和合乎人情的办法，而这种相互了解是建立信任与和平关系所不可或缺的。

我们寻求建立一个自由欧洲国家的和谐大家庭，以消除正在东德、被占领的奥地利和东欧各国出现的不满情绪，使任何一国均不构成对其他国家的威胁更不构成对俄国各族人民的威胁。为使亚洲摆脱动乱、争斗和苦难，我们在寻找向这些国家的人民提供开发自然资源和提高生活水准的和平的机会。

这些决不是空话或者肤浅的见解。因为正是基于这种思想，一些国家最近取得了独立；这不是通过战争而是通过其他国家不附加条件的允诺或者和平谈判取得的。这里有有案可查的记录，表明西方国家乐于向需要援助的人民和暂时遭受饥馑、干旱和其他自然灾害的人民提供援助。这些是和平的行动。它们比表示和平意图的诺言或声明要更加雄辩有力。

但是，我不希望停留在重申过去的建议或复述过去的行动上。我们的时代十分严峻，因此每一条新的和平途径，不论多么模糊不清，都应加以探索。至少有一条新的和平途径迄今尚有待于充分探索，这就是现在联合国大会开辟的途径。

本届联合国大会在1953年11月18日的决议中建议(我在此援引这一决议原文)：“裁军审议委员会研究成立一个由主要有关国家代表组成的小组委员会的可取性，该小组委员会应通过个别接触寻求一项可以接受的解决方案，并在1954年9月1日以前就此解决办法向联合国大会和安全理事会报告。”

美国注意到联合国大会的建议，立即准备与那些“主要有关的”其他国家进行非公开会商，以寻求对原子武器竞赛的“可接受的解决方案”，此一竞赛不但威胁世界和平也威胁世界存亡。我们将为这类非公开会晤或外交商谈带来一个新观念。

美国所追求的不仅是减少或废除原子物质在军事上的应用。仅从士兵手上取走原子武器是不够的。必须将它交给那些知道如何拆除其军事装置并加以改装以适合和平用途的人。

美国知道，如果原子军事装备继续增加的可怕趋势能够扭转，这个巨大的破坏力量便可以发展为有益于全人类福祉的巨大恩物。美国知道原子能所产生的和平力量并非未来的梦想。事实证明，那种能力就存在于此地、此时、今日。如果全世界的科学家与工程师有足够数量的可裂变原料去试验与发展他们的观念，这种能力将被迅速地转到普遍的、有效的与经济的用途上，谁又能怀疑这一点呢?

为了开始从人民脑海与东西方各国政府中消弭对原子能的恐惧，为了加速这一日的到来，现在就有若干步骤可以采取。因此，我提出下列建议：

各主要有关政府，在初步节约所容许的限度内，现在就共同开始并不断从其普通铀与可裂变原料的储存中提取一部分向国际原子能机构捐献。我们预期，这样一个机构将在联合国的赞助下建立起来。

捐献的比例、程序与其他细节，将适当地在我前面所提到的“非公开商谈”的范围内加以讨论。

美国是诚心准备进行这些试探的，任何与美国合作的国家，只要同样诚心诚意，便会发现美国并非一个不讲理的或吝啬的伙伴。

无疑，这个计划开始时和初期的捐献数量会很小。但是这项建议有一大优点，就是它可以付诸实施，而不致产生不安与互相猜疑，而这种不安与猜疑原是建立可以完全接受的世界性监督与控制体系的任何尝试所会引起的。

原子能机构可负责保管、储存与保护捐献出来的可裂变物质及其他原料。我们的科学家将凭其智慧提供特殊安全设施，使这些可裂变原料的储存不致被突然攫夺。

原子能机构的更重要职责，是制订可以把这种可裂变原料用于人类和平事业的措施。要动员专家们把原子能应用到农业、医疗以及其他和平活动的需要上。一个特别的目标是为世界上缺乏动力的地区提供大量电能。这样，捐献的国家将可贡献其一部分力量为人类的需要服务，而非为人类的恐惧服务。

美国将不仅愿意，而且将感到光荣，能与其他“主要有关”的国家共同研创可以加速原子能和平使用的计划。

在那些“主要有关”的国家中，苏联当然必须是其中的一个。我准备向美国国会提出任何这一类计划，而且希望获得批准，这些计划将：第一：鼓励对可裂变原料的和平时期最有效用途进行全球性调查，并保证他们得到进行所有正当试验时所需要的原料；第二：开始减低世界上原子储存的破坏潜力；第三：让所有国家的全体人民看到，在这进步开明的时代，地球上不论是东方强国或西方强国，它们最感兴趣的是满足人类的愿望，而不是增加军备；第四：开辟一条和平会谈的途径，至少提出一种新的方法来处理这许多困难问题；如果世界要想摆脱由恐惧所造成的无生气状态，要想积极向和平迈进，这些问题必须在非公开或公开会谈中加以解决。

面对原子弹的黑暗背景，美国无意仅仅表现力量，也要表现其对和平的渴求与希望。

未来数月将充满重大的决定。在这个大会内；在全世界各国首都与军事总部里；在各地人们的心中，不管他们是统治者还是被统治者；但愿所作的决定能引导这个世界摆脱恐惧，走向和平。

为了达成这些重大的决定，美国向你们，因而也向全世界保证，决心协助摆脱这个可怕的原子困境，全心全意找寻一条道路，使人类奇妙的创造力不致用来消灭人类，而是用来为人类生活做出贡献。

我再次感谢代表们邀请我来到这里，这么谦恭听我做了这次演讲，我感到非常荣幸。

谢谢！