富兰克林·德拉诺·罗斯福

富兰克林·德拉诺·罗斯福

背景介绍

富兰克林·德拉诺·罗斯福是美国历史上最伟大的总统之一，先后蝉联四届总统。1941年初，由于美国的生存受到法西斯的威胁，他做了如下演说，要求国会根据租借法案，把必要的武器装备提供给那些总统认为其防御对美国利益至关重要的国家。并从四个方面阐述了人类的基本自由，旨在调动全世界人民参与反法西斯战争的积极性。

Franklin Delano Roosevelt: The Four Freedoms

January 6th, 1941

富兰克林·德拉诺·罗斯福：四大自由

1941年1月6日

Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, members of the 77th Congress:

I address you, the members of this new Congress, at a moment unprecedented in the history of the union. I use the word “unprecedented” because at no previous time has American security been as seriously threatened from without as it is today.

Since the permanent formation of our government under the Constitution in 1789, most of the periods of crisis in our history have related to our domestic affairs. And, fortunately, only one of these —the four-year war between the States —ever threatened our national unity. Today, thank God, 130,000,000 Americans in 48 States have forgotten points of the compass in our national unity.

It is true that prior to 1914 the United States often has been disturbed by events in other continents. We have even engaged in two wars with European nations and in a number of undeclared wars in the West Indies, in the Mediterranean and in the Pacific, for the maintenance of American rights and for the principles of peaceful commerce. But in no case had a serious threat been raised against our national safety or our continued independence.

That determination of ours, extending over all these years, was proved, for example, in the early days during the quarter century of wars following the French Revolution. While the Napoleonic struggles did threaten interests of the United States because of the French foothold in the West Indies and in Louisiana, and while we engaged in the War of 1812 to vindicate our right to peaceful trade, it is nevertheless clear that neither France nor Great Britain nor any other nation was aiming at domination of the whole world.

And in like fashion, from 1815 to 1914—ninety-nine years—no single war in Europe or in Asia constituted a real threat against our future or against the future of any other American nation.

Except in the Maximilian interlude in Mexico, no foreign power sought to establish itself in this hemisphere. And the strength of the British fleet in the Atlantic has been a friendly strength; it is still a friendly strength.

Even when the World War broke out in 1914, it seemed to contain only small threat of danger to our own American future. But as time went on, as we remember, the American people began to visualize what the downfall of democratic nations might mean to our own democracy.

We need not overemphasize imperfections in the peace of Versailles. We need not harp on failure of the democracies to deal with problems of world reconstruction. We should remember that the peace of 1919 was far less unjust than the kind of pacification which began even before Munich, and which is being carried on under the new order of tyranny that seeks to spread over every continent today. The American people have unalterably set their faces against that tyranny.

In times like these it is immature —and, incidentally, untrue —for anybody to brag that an unprepared America, single-handed and with one hand tied behind its back, can hold off the whole world.

No realistic American can expect from a dictator’s peace international generosity, or return of true independence, or world disarmament, or freedom of expression, or freedom of religion —or even good business. Such a peace would bring no security for us or for our neighbors. Those who would give up essential liberty to purchase a little temporary safety deserve neither liberty nor safety.

I have recently pointed out how quickly the tempo of modern warfare could bring into our very midst the physical attack which we must eventually expect if the dictator nations win this war.

There is much loose talk of our immunity from immediate and direct invasion from across the seas. Obviously, as long as the British Navy retains its power, no such danger exists. Even if there were no British Navy, it is not probable that any enemy would be stupid enough to attack us by landing troops in the United States from across thousands of miles of ocean, until it had acquired strategic bases from which to operate.

But we learn much from the lessons of the past years in Europe —particularly the lesson of Norway, whose essential seaports were captured by treachery and surprise built up over a series of years. The first phase of the invasion of this hemisphere would not be the landing of regular troops. The necessary strategic points would be occupied by secret agents and by their dupes and great numbers of them are already here and in Latin America. As long as the aggressor nations maintain the offensive they, not we, will choose the time and the place and the method of their attack.

And that is why the future of all the American Republics is today in serious danger. That is why this annual message to the Congress is unique in our history. That is why every member of the executive branch of the government and every member of the Congress face great responsibility, great accountability. The need of the moment is that our actions and our policy should be devoted primarily —almost exclusively —to meeting this foreign peril. For all our domestic problems are now a part of the great emergency.

Just as our national policy in internal affairs has been based upon a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all our fellow men within our gates, so our national policy in foreign affairs has been based on a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all nations, large and small. And the justice of morality must and will win in the end.

Our national policy is this:

Firstly, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to all-inclusive national defense.

Secondly, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to full support of all those resolute people everywhere who are resisting aggression and are thereby keeping war away from our hemisphere. By this support we express our determination that the democratic cause shall prevail, and we strengthen the defense and the security of our own nation.

Thirdly, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to the proposition that principles of morality and considerations for our own security will never permit us to acquiesce in a peace dictated by aggressors and sponsored by appeasers. We know that enduring peace cannot be bought at the cost of other people’s freedom.

In the recent national election there was no substantial difference between the two great parties in respect to that national policy. No issue was fought out on this line before the American electorate. And today it is abundantly evident that American citizens everywhere are demanding and supporting speedy and complete action in recognition of obvious danger.

Therefore, the immediate need is a swift and driving increase in our armament production. Leaders of industry and labor have responded to our summons. Goals of speed have been set. In some cases these goals are being reached ahead of time. In some cases we are on schedule; in other cases there are slight but not serious delays. And in some cases —and, I am sorry to say, very important cases —we are all concerned by the slowness of the accomplishment of our plans.

The Army and Navy, however, have made substantial progress during the past year. Actual experience is improving and speeding up our methods of production with every passing day. And today’s best is not good enough for tomorrow.

I am not satisfied with the progress thus far made. The men in charge of the program represent the best in training, in ability, and in patriotism. They are not satisfied with the progress thus far made. None of us will be satisfied until the job is done.

No matter whether the original goal was set too high or too low, our objective is quicker and better results.

To give you two illustrations:

We are behind schedule in turning out finished airplanes. We are working day and night to solve the innumerable problems and to catch up.

We are ahead of schedule in building warships, but we are working to get even further ahead of that schedule.

To change a whole nation from a basis of peacetime production of implements of peace to a basis of wartime production of implements of war is no small task. And the greatest difficulty comes at the beginning of the program, when new tools, new plant facilities, new assembly lines, new shipways must first be constructed before the actual material begins to flow steadily and speedily from them.

The Congress of course, must rightly keep itself informed at all times of the progress of the program. However, there is certain information, as the Congress itself will readily recognize, which, in the interests of our own security and those of the nations that we are supporting, must of needs be kept in confidence.

New circumstances are constantly begetting new needs for our safety. I shall ask this Congress for greatly increased new appropriations and authorizations to carry on what we have begun.

I also ask this Congress for authority and for funds sufficient to manufacture additional munitions and war supplies of many kinds, to be turned over to those nations which are now in actual war with aggressor nations. Our most useful and immediate role is to act as an arsenal for them as well as for ourselves. They do not need manpower, but they do need billions of dollars’ worth of the weapons of defense.

The time is near when they will not be able to pay for them all in ready cash. We cannot, and we will not, tell them that they must surrender merely because of present inability to pay for the weapons which we know they must have.

I do not recommend that we make them a loan of dollars with which to pay for these weapons —a loan to be repaid in dollars. I recommend that we make it possible for those nations to continue to obtain war materials in the United States, fitting their orders into our own program. And nearly all of their material would, if the time ever came, be useful in our own defense.

Taking counsel of expert military and naval authorities, considering what is best for our own security, we are free to decide how much should be kept here and how much should be sent abroad to our friends who, by their determined and heroic resistance, are giving us time in which to make ready our own defense.

For what we send abroad we shall be repaid, repaid within a reasonable time following the close of hostilities, repaid in similar materials, or at our option in other goods of many kinds which they can produce and which we need.

Let us say to the democracies: “We Americans are vitally concerned in your defense of freedom. We are putting forth our energies, our resources, and our organizing powers to give you the strength to regain and maintain a free world. We shall send you in ever-increasing numbers, ships, planes, tanks, and guns. That is our purpose and our pledge.”

In fulfillment of this purpose, we will not be intimidated by the threats of dictators that they will regard as a breach of international law or as an act of war our aid to the democracies which dare to resist their aggression. Such aid is not an act of war, even if a dictator should unilaterally proclaim it so to be.

And when the dictators —if the dictators —are ready to make war upon us, they will not wait for an act of war on our part.

They did not wait for Norway or Belgium or the Netherlands to commit an act of war. Their only interest is in a new one-way international law, which lacks mutuality in its observance and therefore becomes an instrument of oppression. The happiness of future generations of Americans may well depend on how effective and how immediate we can make our aid felt. No one can tell the exact character of the emergency situations that we may be called upon to meet. The nation’s hands must not be tied when the nation’s life is in danger.

Yes, and we must prepare, all of us prepare, to make the sacrifices that the emergency—almost as serious as war itself —demands. Whatever stands in the way of speed and efficiency in defense preparations of any kind, must give way to the national need.

A free nation has the right to expect full cooperation from all groups. A free nation has the right to look to the leaders of business, of labor, and of agriculture to take the lead in stimulating effort, not among other groups but within their own group.

The best way of dealing with the few slackers or troublemakers in our midst is, first, to shame them by patriotic example, and if that fails, to use the sovereignty of government to save government.

As men do not live by bread alone, they do not fight by armaments alone. Those who man our defenses and those behind them who build our defenses must have the stamina and the courage which come from unshakable belief in the manner of life which they are defending. The mighty action that we are calling for cannot be based on a disregard of all the things worth fighting for.

The nation takes great satisfaction and much strength from the things which have been done to make its people conscious of their individual stake in the preservation of democratic life in America. Those things have toughened the fiber of our people, have renewed their faith and strengthened their devotion to the institutions we make ready to protect.

Certainly this is no time for any of us to stop thinking about the social and economic problems which are the root cause of the social revolution which is today a supreme factor in the world. For there is nothing mysterious about the foundations of a healthy and strong democracy.

In the future days, which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a world founded upon four essential human freedoms.

The first is freedom of speech and expression —everywhere in the world.

The second is freedom of every person to worship God in his own way everywhere in the world.

The third is freedom from want, which, translated into world terms, means economic understandings which will secure to every nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants —everywhere in the world.

The fourth is freedom from fear, which, translated into world terms, means a worldwide reduction of armaments to such a point and in such a thorough fashion that no nation will be in a position to commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor —anywhere in the world.

That is no vision of a distant millennium. It is a definite basis for a kind of world attainable in our own time and generation. That kind of world is the very antithesis of the so-called “new order” of tyranny which the dictators seek to create with the crash of a bomb.

To that new order we oppose the greater conception —the moral order. A good society is able to face schemes of world domination and foreign revolutions alike without fear.

Since the beginning of our American history we have been engaged in change, in a perpetual, peaceful revolution, a revolution which goes on steadily, quietly, adjusting itself to changing conditions without the concentration camp or the quicklime in the ditch. The world order which we seek is the cooperation of free countries, working together in a friendly, civilized society.

This nation has placed its destiny in the hands and heads and hearts of its millions of free men and women, and its faith in freedom under the guidance of God. Freedom means the supremacy of human rights everywhere. Our support goes to those who struggle to gain those rights and keep them. Our strength is our unity of purpose.

To that high concept there can be no end save victory.

译文：

总统先生、议长先生以及各位第七十七届国会议员们：

值此联邦史上史无前例的时刻,我在此向诸位致辞。之所以说“史无前例”，是因为美国历史上从来没有像今天这样受到来自外界如此严重的威胁。

1789年依照宪法我们的政府永久地建立了起来。自此，历史上出现的很多危机大多是涉及国家内部事务。只是有一次，也就是那场各州之间的四年战事，曾威胁到了我们的国家统一。今天，我们要感谢上帝，让全美48州1亿3千万的美国人已经捐弃前嫌,将那段历史化解释怀了。

的确,在1914年之前,美利坚合众国常常因其他大陆上发生的事件而受到干扰。出于维护美国权利以及维护和平贸易原则的目的，我们除了参加了两场与欧洲国家的战争外,还在西印度群岛、地中海以及太平洋地区进行了一些不宣而战的战争。但是,它们都没有威胁到我们国家的安全和独立。

这么多年以来，我们的决心没有动摇。这一点可以通过法国革命后25年多的战争史得到证明。当拿破仑踏足西印度群岛和路易斯安纳威胁到了美国的利益时，当1812年为了维护我国正当的贸易权利时，我们的参战表明，无论是法国、不列颠王国还是任何其他国家都无法试图统治整个世界。

同样,自1815年到1914年的99年中,在欧洲以及亚洲的任何战争都不曾对美国本土以及美洲其他国家的未来发展造成真正的威胁。

除了墨西哥马克西米利安皇帝那次事件之外,没有任何的外国势力可以在我们这个半球立足。大西洋上的英国舰队一直是友好的,今天依然如此。

世界大战在1914年骤然爆发的时候，这场战争对我们美国本身的前途似乎仅有轻微的威胁。但是，随着时间的推移，美国人民开始体会到各民主国家的沦陷对我们美国的民主制度会意味着什么。

我们无须过分强调凡尔赛和约的缺陷；我们也无须反复谈论各民主国家处理世界性破坏问题的失效。我们应该记住，1919年的和约与早在慕尼黑会议以前就开始的和解相比，其不公正的程度要小得多；而在那力图向世界各大洲扩展的暴政新秩序下，这种和解仍在延续着。美国人民坚定不移地反对那种暴政。

就目前来讲,如果有人吹嘘说一个毫无准备的美国,仅凭一己之力就能够对抗整个世界的话,那这种想法是很幼稚的，也是不正确的。

任何现实的美国人都不能期望从一个独裁者的和平中获得国际上的宽容，或真正独立的恢复，或世界性裁军，或言论自由，或宗教信仰自由，或者甚至公平的贸易。这样的和平决不会给我们或者我们的邻国带来任何安全。那些宁愿放弃基本自由以求一时安全的人；既不该享有自由，也不该得到安全。

我最近曾指出，现代战争可以多么迅速地将武器攻击带到我们的身旁，如果独裁国家打赢这场战争，我们就必须预计到这种攻击的到来。

很多人漫不经心地认为，我们能够抵御来自大洋彼岸的直接侵略。很明显，只要有英国舰队在,就不存在这种危险。即便没有英国海军,敌人也不会愚蠢到横越万里海洋入侵我们的国家。除非在此拥有战略基地,他方敢如此。

我们从以往在欧洲发生的事件中吸取了很多教训，挪威的那次教训尤甚。在蓄谋已久，准备多年之后,敌人便占领了挪威的几个重要的港口。而对于我们这个半球来说，敌人入侵的第一步不会是常规的登陆。对必要战略要地的占领会由特务们和被他们利用的人来完成。这些人现在就在美国，就在拉丁美洲。只要那些侵略者保持这种攻势,那么选择进攻时间、地点及方式的主动权就掌握在于他们手里,而不在我们这里。

正因如此,拉美各共和国的未来才会如此严峻；正因如此,在国会上发布的年度国情咨文在历史上才如此独具价值；也正因如此，政府的执行部门及每位国会议员才会担起如此伟大的责任和义务。当务之急是，我们的行动和我们的政策都应首先针对(几乎是专门针对)如何对付这种来自国外的危险，因为我们所有的国内问题现在都已成为这一迫在眉睫问题的一个部分。

正如在国内事务上，我们的国策是以尊重国门以内所有同胞的权利和尊严为基础，在外交事务上，我们的国策也以尊重所有大小国家的权利与尊严为依归。道德的公正原则最后将会并且也必然会获得胜利。

我们的国策是：

第一，在明确表达公众意愿以及排除党派偏见的情况下，我们致力于全面的国防。

第二，在明确表达公众意愿以及排除党派偏见的情况下，我们决定对于任何地方反抗侵略致使战火没有燃到我们西半球来的所有英勇民族，予以全力支持。我们用这种支持，来表示我们对民主事业必胜的决心；我们要加强我国本身的防御和安全。

第三，在明确表达公众意愿以及排除党派偏见的情况下，我们决定声明，道德的基本原则和我们对本身安全的考虑，将永不容许我们默认由侵略者所支配和和解主义者所赞许的和平。我们知道，持久和平是不能以他人的自由为代价买来的。

在最近的全国大选中,两个伟大的政党之间对于这项国策并不存在实质性的异议。就是在大选之前,两党也不曾因为这个政策而发生过争议。时至今日,有一点是显而易见的,那就是全体美国人民都要求并支持国家迅速采取全面的行动来应对这个公认的危险。

因此,我们的当务之急是要迅速提高军备的生产速度。工业界和劳工界领袖们已经响应了我们的号召。加快生产速度的目标已经制定。在某些环节上，我们会提前完成任务，有的正在按计划进行中；另外，还有一些会稍有延误。但是，很遗憾地说，在一些很重要的环节上，计划进展之缓慢，确实令人担忧。

然而，在过去的一年里，陆军和海军方面已经取得了实质性的进展。虽然我们的技术在不断改进，生产的速度每一天都在加快，但是今天的成果与未来的需求还相距甚远。

我对目前取得的成绩并不满意。负责这个项目的人员对目前的成绩也不满意。他们无论从哪个方面讲都是精英。他们经验丰富，他们能力一流，他们也非常爱国。能让我们感到满意的就只有完成这项任务。

不管我们最初设定的目标是过高还是过低，求快求好的目标不会改变。

以下说明两点：

在飞机制造方面，已经落后于原定计划。我们正在夜以继日地工作，解决各种各样的问题，努力地赶上进度。

在战舰制造方面，要提前于计划。然而，我们仍在努力工作，争取再创新高。

我们要把美国的生产状态从和平时期调整到战争时期来。这可不是一件小事。最棘手的问题是在实施初期。必须先要制造出生产所需的新工具、新设备、新流水线、开辟新航道，这样才能保证成品稳定而快速地制造出来，运达目的地。

当然，国会一定会随时了解事情的进展情况。然而,考虑到我国的国家安全和我们所支持国家的利益,有些信息必须保密。这一点国会很清楚。

新情况不断为我们的安全带来新的需要。我将要求国会大量增加新的拨款并授权继续进行我们已开始的工作。

我也要求本届国会授予足够的权力与经费，以便制造多种多样的额外军需品与战争装备，供给那些现已与侵略国实际作战的国家。我们最有效和最直接的任务，是充当他们和我们自己的兵工厂。他们不需人力，他们所需的是价值以十亿美元计的防卫武器。

用不了多久，他们将无力用现款偿付这些防御武器。我们不能也不会只因为他们无力偿付我们知道他们必须拥有的武器，便告诉他们必须投降。

我不会建议由我们贷款给他们，再由他们用该款支付购买武器的费用——一种需用现金偿还的贷款。我建议由我们设法使那些国家继续从美国取得作战物资，并使他们的订单与我们自己的计划配合起来。一旦时刻到来，他们的几乎全部军用物资都会有利于我们自己的防卫。

根据富有经验的陆海军权威的建议，并且考虑到什么是最有利于我们自身安全，我们可以自由地决定应该在国内保留多少，应该运给我们的外国朋友多少。他们坚定英勇抗敌，使我们赢得时间为我们自己的防卫做准备。

对于那些我们发往境外的物资,我们要收回货款。货款可以在战后的合理时间内支付给我们，也可以用类似的物资来抵货款,也可以选择用他们生产的并且是我们所需要的产品来抵货款。

让我们对民主国家申明：“我们美国人极为关怀你们保卫自由的战争。我们正使用我们的实力、我们的资源和我们的组织力量，使你们有能力恢复和维系一个自由的世界。我们会给你们送来数量日增的舰艇、飞机、坦克和大炮。这是我们的目标，也是我们的誓言。”

为了实现这个目标，我们不会因独裁者的威胁而退缩不前，这些人认为我们对那些胆敢抵抗他们侵略的民主国家进行支持，是违犯国际公法，是战争行为。这样的援助即使独裁者也会认为这种援助不是战争行为。

如果独裁者们想向我们发动战争的话,他们是不会等到我们做好准备的。

他们发动战争时没有等挪威做好准备，没有等比利时做好准备，也没等荷兰做好准备。他们想要建立的就是一种只对他们有利的国际法规。它不是互惠的，只是一种侵略的借口。未来几代美国人的幸福，可能要看我们如何有效而迅速地使我们的支持产生影响而定。没有人知道，我们要面对的紧急处境是属于怎样一种性质。在国家命脉临危的时候，国家的双手绝对不能受缚。

我们全体都必须准备为那种和战争本身一样严重的非常时期的要求，作出牺牲。任何阻碍迅速而有效地进行防卫准备的事，都必须为国家的需要让路。

一个自由的国家希望各个部门间能够全面地合作,一个自由的国家希望商业部门、劳工部门以及农业部门的领导们能在各自组织内部而不是在部门之间起到表率作用。

对付少数做事敷衍的人或者制造麻烦的人，最好的办法是：先用一些爱国的例子教育他们，让他们感到羞愧。如果不起作用的话,就要靠我们的主权来挽救政府。

如同人们并非单靠面包生活一样，他们也并非单靠武器来作战。那些坚守我们防御工事的人以及在他们后面建立防御工事的人必须具有耐力和勇气，而所有这些均来自对他们正在保卫的生活方式所抱的不可动摇的信念。我们所号召的伟大行动，是不可能以忽视所有值得奋斗的东西为基础的。

美国民主生活的保持是与个人利害攸关的，举国上下，对于促使人民明白这一点而做的种种事情，都非常满意，并且从中汲取了巨大力量。那些事情使我们人民的气质坚强起来，重建了他们的信心，也加强了他们对大家准备保卫的各种制度的忠诚。

当然，现在并非是停止考虑各种社会和经济问题的时候，这些问题都是导致社会革命的根本原因，而这种革命则是今天世界的一个主要因素。一个健全巩固的民主政治的基础并不神秘。

在我们力求安定的未来岁月里，我们期待一个建立在四项人类基本自由之上的世界。

第一是在全世界任何地方发表言论和表达意见的自由。

第二是在全世界任何地方，人人有以自己的方式信仰的自由。

第三是不虞匮乏的自由。这种自由，就世界范围来讲，就是一种经济上的融洽关系，它将保证全世界每一个国家的居民都过健全的、和平时期的生活。

第四是免除恐惧的自由。这种自由，就世界范围来讲，就是世界性的裁减军备，要以一种彻底的方法把它裁减到这样的程度：务使世界上没有一个国家有能力向全世界任何地区的任何邻国进行武力侵略。

这并不是对一个渺茫的黄金时代的憧憬，而是我们这个时代和我们这一代人可以实现的一种世界的坚实基础，这种世界，和独裁者想用炸弹爆炸来制造的所谓“新秩序”的暴政，是截然相反的。

对于他们那个新秩序，我们是以一种伟大的观念，道德秩序来与之相对抗的。一个优越的社会，是可以同样毫无畏惧地面对各种征服世界和在国外制造动乱的阴谋。

自美国有史以来，我们一直在从事改革，一种永久性的和平革命，一种连续不断而静悄悄地适应环境变化的革命，并不需要任何集中营或万人冢。我们所追求的世界秩序，是自由国家间的合作，以及在友好、文明的社会里共同努力。

这个国家，已把它的命运交到它千百万自由男女的手里、脑里和心里；把它对于自由的信仰交由上帝指引。自由意味着在任何地方人权都是至高无上的。凡是为了取得或保持这种权利而斗争的人，我们都予以支持。我们的力量来自我们的目标一致。

为了实现这一崇高的观念，我们是不获全胜绝不休止的。